An open Letter to: The European Delegations Commemorating the 20th Anniversary of Sabra and Shatila massacre. From: Lebanese and Palestinian independent leftist activists

An open Letter to:

The European Delegations Commemorating the 20th
Anniversary of Sabra and Shatila massacre.

From: Lebanese and Palestinian independent leftist activists


Every year, during the commemoration of the Sabra & Shatila massacre,
a group of Lebanese and Palestinian leftist activists gather to visit the
mass grave of the victims. Our number never exceeded 50 persons, except during
the 50th commemoration of the Nakba (exodus) or when we are joined by children
from Shatila camp and family members of the victims and survivors. We usually
bring along a Palestinian flag, candles, and modest musical instruments.
We would gather at the mass grave's entrance, at times having to argue with
the guard to let us in. We had to walk through mud and garbage, which was
piled on top of the grave. Participants would hold a silent candle vigil
as some would play Oud and sing the Sabra & Shatila song (Hymn of the Dead
by Marcel Khalife) or other songs about the martyrs.

The media would rarely pay attention. Our invitation would never attract
but some leftists fleeing their weak parties, and few independent individuals.
Later we would leave the place with confused feelings of defeat, anger, and
grief.

Over the past 20 years, what have we accomplished for the Sabra & Shatila
massacre victims? 20 years have passed and yet the massacre is ongoing, reaching
the 380,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; targeting their basic human
rights. They live under racist, unjust, and oppressing atmosphere inflicted
by the Lebanese government and the collaboration and indifference of the
various Lebanese parties. They are deprived of their civil rights, and endure
increased tightening on the access to educational and civic services, and
possession of property (Please see the reality context enclosed).

As for the Lebanese Leftist parties, supporting the Palestinian cause is
most of the time limited to supporting the Intifada and the Palestinians
in the occupied territories, and calling for the end of the Israeli aggression
and self-determination of the Palestinian people. They give no attention
to the refugees and their rights.
The same goes for the right wing party Hizbullah, who neglects the civil
rights of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, and allows internal Lebanese conflicts
and sectarian political relations with right wing Christian parties to dominate
its actions within the parliament.

We would like to sincerely thank the European delegations for their visit,
which helps bring international attention to one of the most horrifying massacres
of the twentieth century, and shed the light on the situation of the refugees.

We thank you, but would like to comment with respect - if you allow us-
on your visit, the march, and the speech festival that took place on the
site of the mass grave on the 16th of September.

When we first got there, like every year, we were happy to see such a large
group of people gathered from different nationalities and we felt over whelmed.
Also we were happy that finally the municipality of Ghoubairy assumed its
responsibilities and cleaned the site. Then we were shocked to see the pretentious
stage that was constructed and that was a publicity of the municipality rather
than a platform for the commemoration of the innocent civilians who were
slaughtered on the 16th of September 1982.

Can you imagine, on top of that, how we felt - having suffered, Palestinians
and Lebanese, from Amal's aggression especially during the period of the
"camps war" - seeing the flags of the Amal movement are being waved inside
the camp? We were shocked, listening to their hypocritical speech and claims
of their support of the Palestinians, while they are supporting and approving
(as part of the government and a big block in the parliament) all the discriminatory
laws issued against the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon under the
pretext of preventing “Tawteen” forced settlement.

We have witnessed many delegations that come and go all the time. And we
read in the news about their visits or see them in the streets of the camps,
but not a single time any delegation held a meeting with the people in the
camps or visited a camp before announcing its visit to the parties. These
parties hurry ahead of your visit to clean the streets and hang flags to
show how much the people in the camps are fond of them in return to the so-called
support they provide. But did anyone tell you at Ghoubairy municipality that
Shatila camp is excluded from all the municipal services and that the camp
itself is replaced with a white space on their maps? All the municipalities
in Lebanon exclude Palestinian refugee camps from their maps and services.

Did they tell you at Ghoubairy municipality about their aggression on the
Martyrs graves when they expanded the main highway passing next to it? Or
about neglecting the site of the mass grave till it became garbage dump?
Did you know that the site of the mass grave that was organized and made
up for your visit, would regain its original dump situation after your visit?
They even cleaned and organized all the nearby areas that you might see.
We recommend that you visit the site by surprise, even the camps, and talk
to the people on individual basis then you would touch a different reality.

Your visit is important, but could you please ask the Lebanese parties
you meet, especially Amal and Hizbullah, why do not they support Palestinian
refugees in Lebanon by action not by speeches? Why the refugees in Tyre's
camps are not allowed to enter construction materials into the camps? Why
are there tanks and checkpoints blocking the camps? Why these two parties,
though very powerful in the government and the parliament, did not oppose
the increase in tuition fees inflicted on Palestinian students in the Lebanese
University from 125,000 L.L. to 995,000 L.L. (noting that the increase is
up to an unaffordable rate to more than 3,000 Palestinian students who will
be deprived of their university education?

We understand fully that it is hard to organize anything in Lebanon and
in the camps without a link with the leftist and right wing parties, but
we believe that your visit should by no means be invested politically by
them to act as a promotion of how "allegedly" supportive they are to the
camps.

The commemoration that took place was a platform for representatives of
Amal Movement and Ghoubairy Municipality (which is known for strong affiliation
to Hizbullah) to go on and on greeting the Syrian President Al Assad and
the Iranian Islamic revolution without the minimal mention of those who were
killed and we were "supposedly" gathered for their commemoration! Why in
the program of speakers we did not hear a single survivor or any of the families
of the victims?

The commemoration was a chance for the parties to get international exposure
through your visit and international and local media you attracted with positive
intentions on your behalf. The only thing worth listening to was the two
speeches by the representatives of the delegations. They were the only ones
mentioning rights of the refugees and were far from demagogue speeches.

We are looking forward to welcome more delegations, which we believe are
essential for the struggle for the Palestinian refugees' rights and well-being.
But we hope that future delegation take in consideration what we noted above
in a step to clear some of the propaganda clouds that the political parties
have launched during the commemoration. We see your visits as a breath of
fresh air to the people in the camps. We would like this breath to prevail
even after you leave, for we know that your intentions are not momentary
change, but radical one enhancing the quality of life of the refugees that
have already been through a lot of suffering.

We know that as you go back home you will carry what you saw and witnessed
to your countries. We believe that what you will report via the possible
means of media will contribute to international awareness of the situation
of the refugees in Lebanon and around the world. We hope that one day, as
a result of your continuous visits and the struggle of local and international
activists, the international community will take a stand and put on trial
those responsible of the massacre according to the international law in a
step to bring justice for the injusticed.

Right of return and civil rights for the Palestinian refugees NOW.

In solidarity,

Lebanese and Palestinian independent leftist activists.
Beirut, Lebanon.


















Reality Context

According to UNRWA’ June 2001 figures, registered Palestinian refugees in
Lebanon total 382,973. The PLO and the Lebanese government raise this number
to around 415,000, allowing roughly a 33,000 UNRWA unregistered refugees.
Half of those refugees were Red Cross Registered only before Lebanese authorities
agreed to recognize them; the thing that UNRWA hasn’t done yet.
The second half was registered by orders of former Interior Ministers between
1969-1978.
Furthermore, a third category of refugees is unaccounted for by neither UNRWA
nor the Lebanese government. This category includes around 15,000 (estimates
of popular camp committees) Palestinians who do not have any kind of ID’s
and thus denied the right to legal marriage, travel, registering in UNRWA
and other institutions, etc. Furthermore they are the targets of the fundamentalism
groups and activities.

Historical Background

The status of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon has certain intrinsic properties
unique to the Lebanese host and that are distinct from situations in other
host countries. Historically speaking, Lebanon has been established on the
basis of a delicate and sensitive religious/sectarian balance among other
things.
Using the sectarian balance as a pretext has led to policies and laws aiming
at marginalizing the Palestinian population politically, economically, and
socially in order to prevent their integration in the Lebanese mosaic.

Such policies and laws has bred enmity towards Palestinians and severed connections
between Lebanese and Palestinian communities. To make things worse, consecutive
Lebanese governments have treated the Palestinian file as a security problem
rather than a humanitarian crisis. Camps in which the majority of Palestinians
live are considered as out-law islands; and refugees are considered as unwelcome
guests.

The most disturbing part is the growing trend to race the reasons for the
20-years civil war to the Palestinian presence in Lebanon by magnifying the
Palestinian role in that war. Hence the refugees are expected to pay the
bill.

Such pressure, when applied on the refugee’s community that was devastated
by Israeli invasion, Sabra & Shatila massacres and “Camps War” have all put
Palestinians under the threat of a new exodus. This feeling is aggravated
by the daily provocative hatred campaigns lunched by some Lebanese politicians
and media.

Lebanese Policy

In short, Lebanese authorities’ policies lead to goading Palestinian refugees
to destitution making them ready to pack their luggage and leave to the first
country that accepts them. Ironically, all Human Rights violations mentioned
below are committed by Lebanese authorities under the veil of protecting
the national rights of Palestinian refugees – especially the Right of Return.
This has manifested itself by several restrictions forced on the refugees’
community:

1-Restrictions on accommodation: the government policy is simply:
- No for rebuilding the 3 Camps destroyed during the civil war
- No for building new camps
- No for enlarging the existing camps
- No for Palestinian ownership of real estate
In practice, this policy has led to prohibiting the entry of building material
to Camps in South Lebanon and preventing the repair of war-damaged houses
by restricting the repair permits. Violators of this policy have been arrested
and brought in front of military courts after venturing and "smuggling" a
paint bucket or a cement sac. As a result, refugees live in sub-human standards
best depicted by a population density of 18 persons per square meter in Ein
El Helweh Camp in South Lebanon.
Such a dense population is also deprived of enough and clean water resources,
stable supply of electric power, etc.
The densely populated and under-serviced camps also lack the necessary infrastructure.
Absence of sanitation system and garbage collection services, further complicate
the environmental status.
In addition, several of the Camps are under the threat of being partially
pulled down in order to make way for roads and post-war rebuilding of Beirut.
This is one of the causes that have led to the shrinking of UNRWA’s Camp rebuilding
aid.
Under such conditions, one can easily imagine the ghetto’s refugees live in
when shifting the sight between Palestinian Camps and their neighborhood.



2-Security Restrictions:
Tight security procedures around most of the camps have started in 1986 during
and after the Lebanese Amal militia’s war on the camps. However, the status
of refugees has recently worsened. Under the veil of presence of "outlawed
weapons and persons", all 5 Camps in the south have been put under military
siege. Entry and exit is limited to one road and is subject to meticulous
military measures. Civilians in some occasions wait foe an hour when they
need o enter or exit the camps.

3-Work Restrictions:
Palestinian refugees cannot work before obtaining a work permit. This permit
is subject to the role of "mutual treatment between countries". As a result,
Palestinians cannot work in around 73 different professions. Thus much of
the qualified workers have to be content with competing with other foreigners
for minor jobs, or work without permits and thus be under the mercy of employers.

4-Restrictions on traveling:
Lebanese authorities have cancelled the requirement of "entrance/exit permission"
in 1999 – the permission, which meant that any refugee traveling from Lebanon
practically had a time restriction on their return, the thing that some refugees
viewed as a one-way ticket. Despite it’s canceling, its repercussion continue
to exist. Several countries deny visas to refugees fearing the reactivation
of the permission procedures.

5-Restrictions on representative bodies:
The Lebanese law denies Palestinians the right to form syndicates and organizations
by limiting such a privilege to Lebanese citizens only. This deprives the
Palestinians community from practicing its civil rights.

6-Restrictions on having a fair trail:
Palestinian refugees are denied the access to judicial support fund, a financial
form of aid offered to Lebanese citizens who cannot afford to hire the services
of a lawyer to represent them in front of Lebanese court. In practice, Palestinians
who cannot afford it will have either of 2 destinies:
- The refugee would be taken to trail without a lawyer. Thus it is usual
that refugees receive maximum verdicts.
- With no lawyer to follow up his/her case, a refugee might spend in detention
centers a period of time far more than the expected period, before being
put to trail.
However, recent amendments to law of trail limited the maximum pre-trail
detention period to 60 days! This welcomed amendment will hopefully benefit
refugees who become forgotten in the detention centers.

8-Restriction on Ownership:
A recent addition to restriction was the law passed by the Lebanese Parliament,
in May 2001, which deprives Palestinians from owning real estate in Lebanon
under the pretext of preventing citizens of unrecognized countries from owning
real estate in Lebanon. Ironically, this description fits only Palestinian
refugees in Lebanon.

The receding role of PLO:

Since its exit from Lebanon in 1982, PLO has systematically closed all of
its institutions that used to accommodate and support a lot of refugees.
Following Oslo Agreement, the PLO stopped all forms of aid (pensions, academic
grants, etc). PLO’s current general trend as noticed by many observers is
abandoning the previous "guardian" role and leaving it to UNRWA.
This is sensed from the minute size of budget reallocated (after years of
absence) to Palestinians in Lebanon. However, the budget is constantly varying
in its value, and is spent in a non-transparent way on the welfare of political
advocators of the PLO.
Finally, the Palestinian Authority is preoccupied in establishing a Palestinian
state, in negotiations with the Israelis and in the events of Intifada. This
leaves too little thought for refugees, especially in Lebanon – where political
discord with the Lebanese authorities have been preventing and limiting forms
of cooperation.

UNRWA’s shrinking services:

Of the 382,973 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, 11% (42,448 families) are
social hardship cases. The highest ratio of UNRWA social hardship cases are
in Lebanon (11%), in comparison to 2.6% in Jordan, 7.3% in Syria, 8.6% in
Gaza Strip, and 5% in the West Bank (UNRWA’01 report). This is a reflection
of the difficult socio-economic conditions, which Palestinian refugees in
Lebanon are enduring.

Of all host countries, Palestinians in Lebanon suffer most civil liberty
injustice, with 60% of the refugees living below the poverty line (UNRWA’92).
Restrictions imposed on Palestinians by the Lebanese government adversely
affect their daily lives. For instance, Palestinians’ right of work is almost
non-existed as they are banned from practicing 70 professions. This renders
around 40% of Palestinians in Lebanon unemployed (UNRWA’95). Unemployment
is especially high for women.
A comprehensive survey (Journal of Refugee Studies, oxford, 1997) on 1,501
Palestinian refugee women in Lebanon revealed that only 6.4% of interviewed
women were working on regular basis.

The refugees also do not benefit from any public educational and health services.
UNRWA and NGOs remain the only services providers for Palestinians in Lebanon.
UNRWA’s services have been in steady decline since 1991 due to budgetary deficit.
NGOs working with the Palestinian community in Lebanon are also enduring
financial difficulties. This has affected both the quality and the quantity
of services available to the refugees. Educational opportunities are scarce.
Palestinians can have free schooling only through
UNRWA does not have enough secondary schools to absorb the student population.
Thus, many students stop their education at the intermediate level. With
limited scholarships, very few are able to attend secondary schools and university.
Vocational training remains a viable alternative for many refugees.


Recently, in March 2002, the Lebanese Parliament issued a new law increasing
the tuition fees for the foreigner students attending the public Lebanese
University (of whom, 80% are Palestinian refugees). The Palestinian students
will be forced to leave the university and stop their high education.


The educational levels of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are declining,
as only 61% of school-aged children attend UNRWA primary and preparatory
schools as compared to 82% for all Palestinian refugees (Statistical Yearbooks
1989-90, 1993-94, & 1994-95, UNRWA). Since UNRWA offers free educational
services, the falling enrolment rates in basic education are school-related
rather than economic. UNRWA school premises in Lebanon, lacking essential
equipment, remain of poor quality. They have one of the highest classroom
occupancy rates Agency-wide (43.8 pupils per classroom).
With the witnessed increase of around 1000 pupils per year, school conditions
await further deterioration. Nearly 50% of schools operate on double shifts.
It is to be noted that UNRWA runs only 5 KGs (French education) based on
donor-funds.

Palestinians in Lebanon have the highest proportion of refugees living in
camps, at 56% in comparison to UNRWA's other areas of operations (Jordan
17.8%, Syria 29.2%, West Bank 27%, and Gaza Strip 54.7%). Camps are overcrowded
and suffer from poor infrastructure meager housing, and health conditions.



A new discriminatory law against Palestinians in Lebanon was recently passed.
Property law (Decree 296) promulgated on May 3, 2001, prohibits any person
without a (recognized nationality) from the ownership of property or any
person whose act of ownership will contradict the Lebanese constitution in
its opposition to (forced resettlement) of Palestinian refugees. This measure
is detrimental to Palestinians who do not live in camps and to those who
have invested their savings towards purchasing apartments to solve the severe
housing shortage inside the camps. Palestinians who have already bought apartments
will not be able to transfer their deeds to their children and will be forced
to sell them to Lebanese or to any nationality other than Palestinian. Others
who are in the process of paying mortgage will no way of recuperating.


Health care services for the Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are provided
by: UNRWA, UNICEF, the Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS), and few NGOs.
The 1999 FAFO survey discloses new indicators on child health with nearly
one of ten children aged 1-3 years being either malnourished (5%) or undernourished
(4%). In relation to adults, FAFO’s findings show frequent chronic illness
and psychological distress. One out of five Palestinians in Lebanon suffer
from chronic health failure and close to 1 in 10 suffer from a severe problem.


Palestinians in Lebanon cannot benefit from the Lebanese public health sector
even if they hold work permits and pay social security. Palestinians rely
on UNRWA for hospitalization; UNRWA however provides only partial coverage
for hospitalization through contractual arrangements with 11 private hospitals
and one mental health institution. Patients make co-payments ranging from
50 to 75 per cent for treatment that can cost between three to ten thousand
dollars involving long-term indebtedness for most Palestinian families. Many
are unable to secure the additional funds and have to contend with harsh
treatment by private hospitals.

UNRWA offers clinics in the camps, but these clinics are unable to meet the
daily health needs of the patients - one doctor examines per 70 patients
per day (sometimes reaching 150 patients) during his 6-hour duty. Relating
to doctors working for UNRWA, it is estimated that there is one doctor for
every 8000 refugees. The health of Palestinians is also affected by substandard
infrastructure almost all Palestinian camps suffer from serious problems
relating to quantity, quality, mal-distribution and interrupted water supplies
and that the resultant unplanned house connections have increased the risk
of water contamination.
Lack of improvements in the sewerage systems have overloaded existing sewers,
and have resulted in sewerage overflow on roads and pathways. As for solid
wastes, these are dumped in uncovered collection points causing extensive
insect and rodent infestation. In addition, camps are overcrowded, with most
houses unfit for healthy habitation.

Palestinians in Lebanon have the highest proportion of refugees living in
camps, at 56%, in comparison to UNRWA’s other areas of operation (Jordan 17.6%,
Syria 28%, West Bank 27% and Gaza 54%). The majority of the remaining refugees
live in poor gatherings due to the lack of space inside the camps.

Absence of authorities:

A major problem that faces refugees in Lebanon is the absence of an authority
that represents them and treats their needs.
The popular committees in the Camps are far from being democratic or representative.
Never the less, Lebanese authorities prohibit the PLO and the Palestinian
authority from having any formal representative in Lebanon to manage the
conditions of Palestinians. If that were due to a political position, one
would expect that the PLO rivals would be recognized as representatives of
Palestinian refugees in front of Lebanese authorities. However, this is not
the case.
The only authority recognized is an imposed one.
All refugees’ issues are put into the hands of "Departure of Refugees which
became recently the Departure of Political and Refugees", a branch of the
Lebanese ministry of interior involved in issuing IDs and keeping track of
refugees numbers.