La Turchia medita operazioni massicce nel Kurdistan iracheno, che intanto è bombardato dagli iraniani. Tutti insieme appassionatamente contro i "terroristi"?

Giovedì, 27 Aprile 2006 - 00:05 -
di mazzetta

La primavera porta la guerra. Succede in Afghanistan e in Pakistan, dove i Talebani stanno mettendo a rischio i governi dei due paesi; succede alle porte d'Europa, dove il tradizionale aumento dell'attività della resistenza curda diventa il pretesto per un'azione militare che vede impiegati turchi ed iraniani contro i curdi.
Il gigante turco si sta muovendo, e pare intenzionato ad entrare in forze nel Kurdistan iracheno, dove per ora mantiene solo 2000 uomini. Le manovre non sembrano animare la diplomazia internazionale, che guarda con disinteresse a una faccenda gestita in intimità tra Turchia, Iran e Stati Uniti.
L'escalation trae origine dall'attivismo, non solo politico, dell'esercito turco e pone all'Europa grossi problemi e grossi dubbi, in particolare sul tasso di democraticità di un paese che appare alla mercé della sua casta militare. La fuga in avanti dell'esercito turco è cominciata l'anno scorso, quando furono catturati due membri dell'esercito che avevano appena compiuto un attentato dinamitardo contro una libreria curda di Semdinli. La folla che catturò gli attentatori fu anche mitragliata da una vettura di complici: anche quell'auto apparteneva all'esercito turco.

Lo scandalo fu inevitabile, ma il dramma doveva ancora scoppiare in tutta la sua dimensione. Il Procuratore di Van, titolare dell'inchiesta accusò il generale Buyukanit, numero due dell'esercito in procinto di diventarne il numero uno, di aver costituito una organizzazione dedita alla "guerra sporca" contro i curdi; organizzazione che si occuperebbe tra l'altro di mantenere attiva una sanguinosa "strategia della tensione" ai danni dei partiti curdi, non disdegnando la commissione di falsi attentati.

Ferhat Sarikaya, il Procuratore, non sapeva a cosa stava andando incontro. L'esercito ha fatto la voce grossa sia con il governo che con il partito "islamico" all'opposizione, che hanno abbandonato il procuratore ai leoni. I militari hanno detto esplicitamente e pubblicamente che l'esercito non si processa. Il Procuratore di Van, è stato denunciato al Consiglio Superiore dei Giudici e dei Procuratori (HSYK), per un errore procedurale nell'osare attribuirsi la giurisdizione sui militari; l'organismo lo ha semplicemente licenziato, espulso dall'amministrazione pubblica ed inibito perfino dallo svolgere la professione d'avvocato. L'HSYK nella sua storia, di solito, ha comminato ai peggiori giudici pene che giungevano al massimo al rimprovero o alla multa.

L'esistenza di una realtà nella quale è evidente che i militari siano sottratti a qualsiasi giurisdizione, fino a poter umiliare e minacciare pubblicamente il governo, la magistratura e il maggior partito d'opposizione, non è un buon viatico per l'ingresso nella UE dove i segnali di attenzione verso la Turchia sono aumentati con l'aumentare delle vittime curde.

L'esempio è comunque servito ai giudici, che non hanno trovato nulla di male nell'uccisione di manifestanti pacifici per strada. L'esercito turco ha represso duramente le proteste pacifiche dei curdi; allo stesso tempo alcuni formazioni curde hanno ripreso gli attacchi, anche terroristici, contro i turchi. L'ultimo bilancio è di cinquantotto vittime curde e di dodici turche, con un grosso punto interrogativo su un attentato attribuito a una formazione curda sconosciuta.

Ai militari non resta che la fuga in avanti, cioè verso uno stato di conflitto che giustifichi il loro agire, oltre alla legge in nome dell'emergenza bellica; è già successo qualcosa di simile all'amministrazione Bush. I militari turchi pensano in grande e hanno trovato sponde sia nell'Iran che negli Usa, come peraltro in Iraq.

La provincia irachena del Kurdistan è uno dei luoghi più stabili dell'Iraq, ma ha tre potenti nemici. La Turchia e l'Iran che temono perdere territori in favore di futuro Kurdistan e la maggioranza irachena che è contraria a ogni ipotesi di smembramento del paese. Con la costituzione del Dipartimento delle Risorse Naturali, i curdi si sono recentemente intitolati il controllo sulle risorse petrolifere, la loro autonomia finanziaria non entusiasma nessuno.

I generali turchi hanno mosso oltre 40.000 uomini e mezzi pesanti verso la frontiera con l'Iraq, intanto l'Iran ha già bombardato un villaggio nel Kurdistan iracheno per colpire "terroristi" curdi che avrebbero agito in Iran. Iran e Turchia hanno un accordo per il reciproco aiuto contro il PKK e il MEK ( che sarebbero i fuoriusciti iraniani cavalcati da Washington), organizzazioni che sono nella lista ONU dei "terroristi".

Condoleeza rice ha appena visitato il paese senza dare l'attesa "luce verde" esplicitamente, e già si hanno rapporti di sconfinamenti turchi.
L'esercito turco non volle entrare in Iraq all'indomani dell'attacco americano, nel frattempo la Turchia si è posta come ponte diplomatico con parte del mondo arabo, potendo ora giocare la carta della guerra al "terrorismo", ai separatisti e pure quella ai comunisti, visto che il PKK, il partito curdo dei lavoratori, è anche "rosso". Brilla la vasta approvazione di numerosi governi.

L'esercito turco dispiega circa 250.000 militari nelle province del Sud-Est, parte dei quali dovrebbero entrare in Iraq perché secondo i servizi turchi e lo stesso generale Buyukanit, il PKK starebbe per inviare metà dei suoi militanti (che i servizi turchi precisano essere solo 4900) in Turchia per commettere attentati suicidi. Per combattere questo pericolo la Turchia sarebbe "legalmente" autorizzata a invadere in Kurdistan per difendersi. L'Amministrazione USA, a corto di uomini, ringrazia e insieme i due governi fanno notare che il precedente rifiuto turco non ha incrinato gli ottimi rapporti tra i paesi.

L'Iran, che ha appena partecipato con gli USA alla trattativa sul governo di Baghdad, vede allontanarsi la pressione della resistenza curda e anche eventuali rivendicazioni territoriali; gli Usa ricevono un importante supporto in Iraq, nel quale i partiti sunniti e sciiti vedono di buon occhio il "congelamento" del Kurdistan da parte dei turchi: il Kurdistan pare vittima del suo stesso successo.

Nelle province orientali turche intanto vige la legge dei militari e i curdi muoiono e vengono repressi senza troppe formalità. Ai curdi il primo ministro turco Erdogan promette "più strade, più ospedali, più scuole e posti di lavoro, più libertà, più democrazia, più welfare, più diritti e più giustizia", basta che non si discuta la centralità dello Stato e che non si chieda alcuna forma di autonomia. Mentre l'esercito si incarica di portare dolore e sopraffazione, Erdogan fa l'elenco delle qualità che mancano alla Turchia per entrare in Europa.

La Corte Europea condanna la nuova legge antiterrorismo


European court charges Turkey in antiterror operation:

ANK - TDN with AP

The European Court of Human Rights on Tuesday ordered Turkey to pay 165,000 euros to relatives of five men killed by Turkish security forces in an antiterrorist operation, ruling that Europe's human rights treaty was violated during the security raid.

The court ruled that the Turkish forces breached three articles of the European Convention on Human Rights, a document that is legally binding on all members of the 46-nation Council of Europe.

Five suspected members of the Revolutionary Left (Dev-Sol), an extreme left-wing armed movement classified as a terrorist organization by Turkey, were among 10 people killed by security forces in Istanbul in four different buildings in 1991.

Turkish police said the five, heavily armed, had opened fire when ordered to surrender. The Strasbourg court said that while the group had committed numerous crimes and its members could have been deemed to be a threat to the police, it was unclear whether police gave a clear warning of their intent to use firearms and that the manner in which the raid was carried out raised concern. It also said no effective investigation had been carried out in the case by Turkish authorities.
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Talabani (Iraq) dice no a operazioni turche in Iraq
Talabani concerned over Turkish and Iranian troop concentrations on the
border
Monday, April 24, 2006
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Talabani concerned over Turkish and Iranian troop concentrations on the border

ANKARA - TDN with wire dispatches
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La Turchia nega operazioni in Iraq
http://www.voanews.com/english/2006-04-26-voa51.cfm
Turkey Denies Troop Incursion into Northern Iraq
By VOA News
26 April 2006




Turkey is denying a news report that its troops have crossed into northern Iraq in pursuit of Kurdish rebels.

Turkish NTV television is carrying reports of the denial from the Turkish Foreign Ministry.

A ministry statement says the alleged incursion, first reported in Turkey's Bugun newspaper, never took place. It also says the Iraqi ambassador to Ankara has been informed the allegation is not true.
-----------------------------------------

La cacciata del giudice non è una intimdazione ai giudici

Sarikaya's Dismissal 'Intimidation' for Judges and Prosecutors
By Murat Aydin, Ankara
Published:
zaman.com

Court of Appeals retired Public Prosecutor Ahmet Gundel told yesterday that the dismissal of Van Public Prosecutor Ferhat Sarikaya by the Judges and Prosecutor’s High Council (HSYK) was meant to “intimidate” Turkey’s judges and prosecutors.
http://www.zaman.com/?bl=national&trh=20060427&alt=&syf=butun

l'articolo originale su http://www.altrenotizie.org

guardate cosa restituisce Google news da goole.it
http://news.google.it/news?q=turchia&oe=UTF-8&client=firefox&rls=org.mozilla:en-US:unofficial&percentage_served=*:100&ie=UTF-8&sa=N&tab=wn

solo notizie di motori

guardate adesso da google.co.uk
http://news.google.co.uk/news?hl=en&ned=uk&q=turkey&btnG=Search+News

sempre con il termine turkey

e adesso con -Kurdistan-

google in inglese
http://news.google.co.uk/news?hl=en&ned=uk&q=kurdistan&btnG=Search+News
e quello in italiano, un panorama del tutto diverso, mancno del tutto i due principali quotidiani italiani.....incredibile?
http://news.google.it/news?hl=it&ned=it&q=kurdistan&btnG=Cerca+nelle+News

Turkish security kill a Kurdish “terrorist”, aged 3
4/26/2006 KurdishMedia.com - By Dr Rebwar Fatah
The cold body six-year-old Enes Ata
In Turkey, “Kurdish” is synonymous for “terrorist”, even if the subject matter is a child. Turkey’s constitution is based on racist ideology where the regime’s main pillar of fear is the existence of Kurds.

Turkish security forces shot Fatih Tekin, a three year old Kurdish boy, during a police raid on civilians’ houses in Batman Northern Kurdistan, on 30 March 2006. Fatih was not the only “terrorist” to be shot. The list is long but apart from Fatih, Enez Atak (6), Abdullah Duran (9), Muhlis Ete (16), Mehmet Isik (17), Mehmet Akbulut (18) and Emrah Fidan (19) were all killed. These names attract my attention because of their tender ages. There was also a much older Kurdish “terrorist”, Halit Sogut, 78 year of age.

Kurds, according to Turkish official policy, are all terrorists from 3 to 78 year of age.

The murders of children came from the direct order of their superior, the Turkish Prime Minister. "The security forces will intervene against the pawns of terrorism, no matter if they are children or women. Everybody should realise that,” the Turkish Prime Minister said to his troops, effectively permitting them to kill Kurdish women and children.

This was not the first time that the Turkish security forces have killed children. Ugur Kaymaz, 12, and his father Ahmet Kaymaz were shot by security forces in front of their Kiziltepe home on 21 November 2004. The two were killed in a police operation allegedly against members of a “terrorist” organisation. The governor of the town, in his first statement, said that Ugur and Ahmet Kaymaz were killed in a clash. A 12-year-old boy killed fighting alongside a terrorist organisation. There was an international outcry to label a child as a terrorist: it can only happen to Kurds in Turkey. Feeling the international heat, the Prime Minister stated, “Describing a boy aged 12 as a terrorist is unfortunate. This can’t happen.” Yes it did happen, and in your country.

In the autopsy report, there were a total of 13 bullets in the 12-year-old Ugur Kaymaz's body. Four of them were in his right and left hands, and nine on his back. It was determined that nine of the 13 bullets were fired from a very short distance (less than 50 centimeters). Ugur had gunpowder marks on his body. His father Ahmet Kaymaz had eight bullets in his body. It may not be easy to imagine the hatred inside the security forces that kill a 12-year-old boy with 13 bullets from the distance of a 12 inch ruler.

The persecution of Kurds by Turkish state and Turkish non-state agents has historical roots and hinges on the official ideology, which is not so far away from Nazi Germany. Turkey is a state that is built on lies and racist teaching of Atatuk which enshrines the persecution of Kurds. An example can give the depth and scale of the racist teaching of the society.

On 08 March 2006, during the Kurdish uprising in Northern Kurdistan, two members of the security forces wearing t-shirts declaring "Turkey", took a hostage at a popular Burger King restaurant in Istanbul, with guns and knives. While chanting Turkish nationalist and anti-Kurdish slogans, the soldiers protested because they were serving in Turkish cities and not having an opportunity to go to Kurdistan for hunting Kurds, presumably children. There is a Kurdish proverb: “a handful represents the quality of the rest of the harvest”. This incident put us against a vital question which involves innocent lives: can a security force that is brought with such a racist spirit protect Kurds in Turkey? I am sure there were not the same men who murdered 12-year-old Ugur Kaymaz with 13 bullets, but they no doubt graduated from the same Turkish school of ideology.

The EU should take more responsibility for Turkish crimes against humanity. Few European MPs made much noise. During the ongoing uprising in Turkey, over two dozens of Kurds, including some children, were murdered. If these were doges, the European member states would have taken a better stand.

Furthermore, the European member states are part of the Turkish crimes, as they play music to Turkish ears, which encourages further persecution of Kurds. The Euro MPs still not publicly recognise that the land of Kurds is Kurdistan which is occupied by Turkey. And that is a racist stand. A racist incident as identified by the UK Stephen Lawrence inquiry and by the ensuing Macpherson Inquiry is “racist incident is any incident which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person.” As a Kurd, I found Turkey a racist state and responsible for the genocide of my culture and language.

It is nonsense to urge the Turkish state to change its attitude toward Kurds. It is impossible. An outside help is needed for peaceful change in Turkey. Otherwise, Kurdish uprising would change it. We have already seen the start of this. For Turkey to survive and to join the civilised nations, Europe must help.

For the EU to see a peaceful Europe must pursue its values for every nation, ethnic group and communities in the Europe including Kurds. Then the EU member states need to propose a reform package to Turkey which includes the following:

1 – For Turkey to withdraw its security forces form Kurdish homeland, Northern Kurdistan, end the security oppression under the EU mandate;
2 – For EU to facilitate and monitor Northern Kurdistan general election, under international monitors, to establish Kurdistan Parliament and government – similar to the case of devolution of power in other EU member states such as Scotland and Wales.

3 – EU to initiate, facilitate and monitor the devolution of power in Kurdistan and assist in reviving Kurdish economy, language and culture;
4 – EU to facilitate to brining Kurdistan’s Parliament bloc in the EU parliament to establish Kurdistani Bloc

5 – EU to facilitate the Northern Kurdistan Parliament would become the only legislative power of region;

6 – EU to facilitate the Kurdish language becomes the official language in Kurdistan in every aspects of life.

Without these fundamental measures, there will not be peace either in Turkey or in the EU countries.

My thanks to Chris Lacey

13 maggio 2006



Iran and Turkey fire salvo over Iraq
By Sami Moubayed

DAMASCUS - Both Turkey and Iran have been launching military raids into northern Iraq against a Kurdish paramilitary group that is based there, posing a dangerous new threat to stability both within Iraq and to the region.

The Iraq-based Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), labeled a terrorist group by the United States, Britain and the European Union, is a paramilitary party that preaches Kurdish nationalism, especially in Turkey, where it is demanding political rights and better living standards for the country's 12 million Kurds.

Turkey recently launched a massive military operation involving more than 250,000 troops against the PKK (nearly double the number of US troops in Iraq), concentrated in the mountains along Turkey's borders with Iran and Iraq. Extensive incursions into northern Iraq have been reported, aimed at cutting off the PKK's supply lines to Turkey from its camps in northern Iraq. Turkey also claims that "the PKK has recently increased its activities and obtained weapons from Iraq".

Iran, meanwhile, has begun attacks on PKK units based in Iran, and the Iranian military has entered Iraqi territory in hot pursuit of PKK militants. This represents a different approach from recent years, when Turkey regularly accused Tehran of turning a blind eye to the PKK in Iran.

The Baghdad government has objected, claiming a violation of its sovereignty, but both countries insist that they are acting in self-defense.

The PKK wants to create a Kurdish state out of southeastern Turkey, northeastern Iraq, northeastern Syria and northwestern Iran. PKK broadcasts have claimed that 2006 would be "a year of destiny" for Kurdish nationalism. The PKK rebellion, which has hit Turkey the hardest, has led to the death of 35,000 Turks (including 5,000 soldiers) and cost the Turks billions of dollars.

The PKK's long history of violence - and the violence used in turn by the authorities - all but ceased after its leader Abdullah Ocelan was arrested in 1998, but it resumed activities in June 2004, claiming that the Turkish military was still attacking it.

In a message to Iraq, Turkey said, "They [PKK] are the infiltrators and we are protecting our border. Do not allow the terror network to use your territory. Fight against the terrorists who will only terrorize you in the future." Another communique issued by Turkey addressing the Iraqis read, "We are not considering ending our activity there [in Iraq] for as long as the PKK is also present and active in that area."

The Turks claim that up to 4,000 members of the PKK have been using Iraq to launch attacks on Turkey.

General Hilmi Ozkok, commander of the Turkish army, asked whether Turkey planned to seek US permission before further invasions of Iraq, confidently replied, "We cannot take a decision of that kind based on the US. Every country is sovereign. Every country makes its own decisions. If the conditions change, you act by the changing conditions."

To avoid a confrontation, a flurry of diplomacy has taken place in Turkey. Over the past week, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited Ankara. So did members of the US House of Representatives Foreign Relations Committee, and Ali Larijani, the secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and chief negotiator on Iran's nuclear portfolio.

Most interesting of the meetings was that of Larijani, who was received with great honor in Ankara. For six hours, Larijani met with Yigit Alpogan, the secretary general of the National Security Council, Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul and Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Larijani warned the Turks against PKK infiltration and the chaos prevailing in Iraq, saying, "We are very worried as a country from this region. If the string breaks, and it is heading that way currently, it will not be possible to repair it. We are telling you this plainly now. Later, do not come and complain that we didn't warn you."

He continued, "Currently, there is solidarity in your country. But if chaos breaks out, this solidarity will also fall apart. Don't be like Iraq."

The Turks, especially Erdogan, are serious in wanting to eradicate the PKK threat coming from Iraq. As much as they value their relationship with the US, they will not tolerate a Kurdish presence on their border.

The Americans, although they have helped fight the PKK in the past, nevertheless have recently been passive toward its activities in Iran and Turkey. So has the European Union. While both the US and the EU "oppose" PKK strikes on Turkey, they also oppose Turkey's militarization of the crisis.

Now Turkey has found an ally in the form of Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad, who has shown the will - and the army - to support the Turks in combating the PKK.

Iran has arrested 50 PKK members, and a similar crackdown has taken place in Syria, a onetime ally and host of the PKK and currently a good friend of the Iranians.

Ahmadinejad's support for Turkey's offensive on the PKK in Iraq is naturally in Iran's own interests, but it is also aimed at acquiring a new, strong friend for Tehran in its confrontation with the international community over its nuclear program. Reportedly, Ahmadinejad even told the Turks that he would share his nuclear technology with them.

Erdogan had also met with Ahmadinejad in Baku, Azerbaijan, on May 5 on the sidelines of the ninth summit of the Economic Cooperation Organization, shortly before Larijani's visit to Tehran.

This meeting, along with the visit of a high-level Iranian official to Turkey, certainly angered the Americans. Turkish media responded by claiming that the PKK attacks on Turkey were allowed by the Americans and the two prominent Kurdish leaders in Iraq - Masoud al-Barzani, president of the Kurdish region, and the US-backed president of the country, Jalal Talabani.

While in Ankara, Larijani further upset the Americans by revealing that he had documents proving US meetings with the PKK (which it considers a terrorist organization) in Mosul and Kirkuk last month. This was at the level of military commanders, he said. Larijani asked, "If the US is fighting terrorism, why then is it meeting with the PKK?"

Talabani said that in his latest meetings with Rice and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, he had been given assurances that the Turks would not invade Iraq because the US would not let them.

A matter of timing
The PKK's escalation of attacks in both Turkey and Iran raises the question of what it is trying to achieve, especially given the chaotic situation in Iraq.

If it acted at will, without consulting senior Kurdish leaders, this would be a dangerous sign, indicating problems ahead in Iraq's relations with both Tehran and Ankara.

The same is true, though even more so, if the Kurdish leaders (Talabani included) approved the offensive - with or without US support.

Analysts point out that, encouraged by the United States, the PKK has been stirring up trouble in Iraq since 2003, and US troops in Iraq have permitted its leaders to roam freely and have access to the stockpiles of ammunition spread all over Iraq.

This situation has the potential to alienate Turkey and the US further. On March 1, 2003, the United States' relations with Ankara plummeted when the Turkish parliament vetoed a proposal to allow the Americans to use Turkish territory to open a second front against Iraq from the north.

Two years later, on March 21, 2005, Rumsfeld spoke to Fox News, bitterly complaining, "Clearly, if we had been able to get the 4th Infantry Division in from the north, in through Turkey, more of the Hussein-Ba'athist regime would have been captured or killed." He added that had Turkey been more cooperative, "the insurgency today [in Iraq] would be less".

Last year, the Turks broke their isolation with Syria when President Ahmad Nejdet Sezar visited Damascus to meet with President Bashar Assad. The Americans had loudly asked him not to make the visit, but Sezar insisted.

In February, Ankara again defied the US by receiving Khalid Meshaal, the head of the political bureau of Hamas, after the Palestinian resistance movement emerged victorious in January's elections.

Erdogan had declined an invitation from former prime minister Ariel Sharon to visit Israel in 2004, again arousing US ire, and did not meet with the then-Israeli minister of labor and trade, Ehud Olmert, who visited Turkey in July 2004.

In short, Sezar's visit to Syria, Erdogan's welcoming of Hamas and the current alliance with Ahmadinejad in effect notify the Americans that an axis will be formed against them if they continue to encourage Kurdish autonomy in Iraq, and separatist movements in Tehran and Ankara.

For their part, the Kurds have been trying to appease the Turks to avoid a head-on clash, knowing that the consequences would bring devastation to the safe and booming region of Kurdistan, crippling security and foreign investment.

Turkey was invited to attend the inauguration of the new Kurdish parliament last Sunday, but it failed to send its ambassador. Iran, however, playing the game more wisely, sent its ambassador to Arbil. The new Kurdish cabinet, headed by Nechirvan Barzani, was sworn into office in the presence of the Iranian envoy.

Other ambassadors were present, including Zalmay Khalilzad of the US and those from Britain, France and China, and there was even a representative of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan.

The Kurds appointed Vadet Arslan, a Turkmen, as minister of industry in Kurdistan, and Abdul-Latif Benderoglu, another Turkmen, as minister of state. These are the highest two posts given to Turkmens in Iraq.

Meanwhile, back in Baghdad ...
If anything, the problems with Turkey and Iran make domestic Iraqi politics more difficult. As the world was watching Turkey's brinksmanship, the office of Talabani announced that 1,091 Iraqis had been killed in Baghdad alone since April.

On the same day, it was announced that 3,525 Iraqis had been killed since January. Of these, over 500 were killed by car bombs. Eighteen Iraqis were killed this Wednesday alone, and the bodies of 13 were found scattered in Baghdad. Among the dead was Mohammad Mushab al-Amiri, the public relations officer at the Ministry of Defense.

Meanwhile, prime minister-designate Nuri al-Maliki is still trying to form a cabinet. He has failed to meet his first deadline and nothing in internal Iraqi politics indicates that he will succeed any time soon.

Living up to his reputation of being a man who does not stick to his word, Maliki has abandoned the Sunnis, whom he had promised to give the Ministry of Defense, in favor of secular former prime minister Iyad Allawi.

Earlier, Maliki announced that Defense would go to the Sunnis, while the Ministry of Interior would go to the Shi'ites. This was done to appease the disgruntled Sunni community, which complained that while the Ministry of Interior had been in the hands of the Iran-backed Shi'ite bloc, the United Iraqi Alliance (UIA), grand persecution, torture and arrest of Sunnis had taken place in Baghdad.

UIA minister Bayan Jabr, a sectarian man by all accounts, had used the job to settle old scores with the Sunnis and prevented his police force from bringing order to the streets of Iraq, where sectarian violence has been soaring since February.

The Sunnis were somewhat mollified when it was announced this month that they would get Defense, while still having fears that not much would change in the Ministry of Interior if it was kept in the hands of the UIA.

It is no wonder they were taken by surprise when Wael Abdul-Latif, a member of Allawi's team, gave a press conference in Baghdad this week and said, "The [Ministry] of Defense has been set for us." A leading Sunni politician, Sheikh Khalaf al-Alyan, responded, "Giving the Ministry of Defense to al-Iraqiyya [Allawi's list] breaks the national accord because the chairmanship of the political committee of national security is also going to Allawi and the Ministry of Defense is going to the UIA."

He added that "this means that the Arab Sunnis will not participate in controlling the security portfolios, and they are the ones to have suffered most from its deterioration". This, he said, would end the Sunnis' confidence in the security services.

Maliki has also decided to give the portfolios of Oil, Electricity and Finance to professional officials, regardless of their political affiliations or sectarian background. By doing so, he will deprive his ally Muqtada al-Sadr, the influential Shi'ite cleric, of the portfolio of Electricity, which he had demanded. Muqtada will probably be compensated with another ministry, such as that of Education or Youth, but he will not be pleased.

The current candidate for Finance is Sinan Shabibi, the governor of the Central Bank of Iraq, while Dr Husayn Shahristani, a former candidate for the job of prime minister and a famed yet aging nuclear scientist, is earmarked for the Ministry of Oil.

Now, with the Shi'ites turning against the Kurds, following Iran's lead in its attacks on the PKK, Maliki's job becomes all the more impossible. The Iran-backed Shi'ites of the UIA, of whom Maliki is a member, have only one thing in common with the Kurds. They support Kurdish autonomy in the north because it justifies their demanding Shi'ite autonomy in the south.

Apart from that, they meet on practically nothing. The Kurds had a rough and bumpy ride in their relations with the UIA during Talabani's tenure with prime minister Ibrahim al-Jaafari. The Kurds demanded more powers for the Kurdish president, at the expense of his Shi'ite prime minister, while the Shi'ites curtly refused.

Now, with divisions clearly opened, one has Talabani (backed by the US) versus the Shi'ites, backed permanently by Iran and temporarily by Turkey.

In one way, this strengthens the UIA inside Iraq, but it deepens divisions between the already secular Kurds and religious Shi'ites.
The Turkish-Iranian-Kurdish conflict will take its course. What is clear is that not only do Iran and the US have an agenda for Iraq and the Middle East, so too does Turkey.

The only ones, sadly, who have no agenda for Iraq are the Iraqis themselves, caught as they now are in a vicious battle among Tehran, Washington, Ankara, Damascus and Baghdad.

Dr Sami Moubayed is a Syrian political analyst. He is the author of Damascus Between Democracy and Dictatorship 1948-1958 (Maryland 2000).

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