Insurrection, alcuni testi dalla Grecia e dall'Inghilterra

rom an insurrection to a movement (an analysis of the insurrection in Greece)

One single drop is enough to overflow the whole glass

The first phase of the struggle of December 2008 is completed. Everyone has understood that Alexis' murder was only the occasion to release the piled up anger on a variety of issues such as:

Police brutality that peaked during the last years, both with the tolerance/increase of conservative social responses since the 90es (because of massive defeats), and with the promotion of the security state dogma. Police brutality and state repression experienced by every social part that had a struggle during the last years. Who can forget the state attorneys in the schools since 1998, the whacking of the student movement (the case of March 8, the “green all star shoes”[1] etc), the everyday humiliation of immigrants (just remember -as the tip of the iceberg- the shocking video from Omonia police station where a cop forced one immigrant to beat another[2]), the depreciation of the 6 week long strike of the teachers, the attack against dockworkers, the penalisation of counter-culture, of the radical youth etc. The mere presence of MAT (riot police) inside Exarchia[3] (and not only there) call to mind of an occupation army.

Precariosity: Unemployment, bad-paid jobs without any right, uninsured work, “stage” programs, and jobs with “temporary contracts” prevailed even to the “good old” public sector, along with conditions we are all very aware of.
The unabashed administration against the (old and young) proletariat: we don't speak of the scandals and corruption, the rise to wealth and the “evolution” of the “blue” youth[4], but for facts as the money transfer to the banks to stand through the “crisis” (“socialization” of the damages)[5], minister Petralia's law[6], the “framework-law” on universities, the constant privatizations, the prosecutions of syndicalists backed-up by “Justice”, the intensification of education with minister Arsenis law and so on...

All these, and a pressure accumulated inside everyone that still believes that things can and must change, set afire what we are living. The first social insurrection on the planet after the recent “economic” crisis.

We are not France, or the emergence of the multitude of the young proletariat

Many, especially abroad, compare last week's insurrection with the one in the french banlieux. Though, there are many things that differ, and this can be obvious by the evolution of events. Namely:

Saturday night, the first information and response to the event of the murder is given by a lose network of people related to the political milieus: antiauthoritarians and the left. This particularity of Greece, to have tight political-ideological milieus, a particularity that sometimes blocks rather than supports the movement's-social processes (with their speculations, their political antagonisms, sectarianisms etc) THIS TIME FUNCTIONED IN FAVOR OF THE PROCESS. It was the politicized people that took it to the street on Sunday, and UNITED gave a first, and powerful response, creating the mood for the insurgency.

And on Monday, 8/12, this historic now day, comes the insurrection. Beside the politicos, now the angry school-kids invade the front-stage, with their aggression going far beyond any anarchist or left milieu. Also the immigrants, mainly the second generation, come along, expressing the ages of accumulated oppression [a]. The new precarious workers also join, young people that made their first slight emergence with the strikes on the pensionary system, but now took it to the streets with greater rage. Enough with their lies: It was the young proletariat that descended to the streets and decided TO BURN THE CITIES. Even if someone didn't break or didn't want to be a “breaker”, (s)he understood and stood by the rage: Everything should be turned to dust, not simply “to give them a message”, or to merely “overthrow the government”, by to declare that there is a historic limitation to what can be done and what cannot be done in this country. THIS IS IT!

Even with that meaning, the insurrection was not the product of immigrants-excluded inside the ghettos, but of the diffused excluded and injured by neoliberalism, of the multitudes of the young proletariat.

The long decade of the 90es is over, this “stone age” is broken, nothing is the same any more

The last circle of great struggles, to my opinion, was over during the period of '91-'93. This circle of struggles left behind all the heritage oh struggles from the political change-over, from the decades of '70-'80. It ended with the emergence, not only powerful workers struggles, but of an amazing school-kids movement on '90-'91, whose roots fertilize even today.

And then, started this hard rout through the “stone age” with ever few struggles. This rout of hard neoliberal reconstruction, the rise of defeatism and of individual solutions, personal life-styles, a -without precedent- de-collectivisation and conservatisation of society. In all these years, many important battles were given (eg. Ioniki, ASEP '98, minister Giannitsis pensionary system etc[7]), many political event took place (Thessaloniki 2003), which I don't mean to depreciate, byt they weren't able to change the “social mood”...

Only during the last 2 years something begun to move: With the aggressive 6 week strike of the teachers, with the massive student movement, the strikes on the pensionary system. But also with the rise of the discussion on precarity, the critisicm to the bureaucratic and traditional organisation and action, and the pursuit of new ways for expression eg the workers forum, base syndicats, blogs of political reflection etc. And again: nothing could forejudge what was about to happen... Because the week that passed was to change things irreversibly. No, it wasn't the working class of the private or the public sector, on its “critical, productive age”, no it wasn't “the people”, BUT IT WAS THE YOUNG PROLETARIAT THAT FORCED EVERYONE TO TAKE A STANCE WITH WHAT IT DID, FORCING EVERYONE TO SEE THAT SOMETHING HAS TO BE DONE, TO CHANGE.

The bourgeois party system shocked

So now they all search to see what's wrong, politicians, journalists, “analyzers”. Even they indirectly recognize that the new class conflict created step-by-step for the last 20 years, the new inequalities, the new exclusions, rebelled. They are anxious to manage a whole new situation yet unable. They ask for loyalism from the parliament, for renunciation of all violence. And everybody participates in this game, every party[b]. But they all know the problem is way deeper. They all know it good. And the worst thing for them is that they haven't got any New Dealer in their drawers. What kind of “green capitalism”, which “neo-keynesianism”, which “progressive socialist administration”, which “popular antiimperialist fron”: There were much more issues raised these days and they all know it. Much more things demanded, much more than the government's schedules promises, conducted in some sealed think tank.

Think, for example, what would it mean to disarm the police, to dissemble the MAT, as the people in struggle asks for? And if that could be done, then who will guarantee the (bourgeois) order? And do the people really care about (the bourgeois) order?

We are on a momentum
For the first time the anxiety of a clash is out of our way. For all our lives the issue of “violent or non-violent” clash was in the middle, our whole lives we've been waiting for the peak and everybody argued how would that come: in peace or in a clash:

Now things came upside down. We begun with a MASSIVE CLASH and we are no more carried by the anxiety of violence. They got the message for our strength. Now the second phase of the struggle begins: To give it the wider social characteristics (for example see the occupations of public spaces and the open popular assemblies as in Brahami, Athens[8]), to open the debate beyond the young proletariat, and include more issues. It will be critical if the struggle can be based on social subjects with “material connection” (of space, interests, culture) such as the school-kids and students. Very critical, since only with “tight social subjects” can the new, diffused-precarious worker, as well as the immigrants without voice connect. And only with social subject in the streets can the “middle-aged proletarian” do the first step, including their own issues (and not only watching the politicos' demonstrate).

It seems as there is strong accelerating force and the struggle will last until christmas. After that, everything is possible. Anyway it comes, this insurrection could probably work as the italian Piazza Statuto, or our own November '73: to provide with social self-esteem, to reflect to other, new struggles from now on. We can now say it loud:

Comrades, we 're in a better place from now on!
mr_sun_light, Thessaloniki, December 13, 2008

Translator's notes: I have kept the original writer's notes with a, b, … and added a few with numbers for the international readers.

[a] What plays an important role to the emergence of the immigrants' second generation is a) that the urban exclusion isn't that intense in Greece as in other European cities and b) there is a real contact, meeting and promotion of communication and solidarity among local and immigrant pupils in schools. This is also due to the State's inability to promote a separative education, but as well because of the excessive efforts of radical teachers of the last 15 years to overcome any exclusion so that “Brunhilda could sit next to Dimitra”. From this 2^nd generation of immigrants we have every reason to expect even more. Furthermore, it was historically the 2^nd generation of immigrants that rebelled in every country, and not the 1^st generation, that struggled to survive.

[b] For the traditional trade-unions, GSEE-ADEDY, what could we really say? With all the manipilations of the December 10^th's strike it was obvious how unable they really are to exploit such a boiling situation for their interest, to mediate it and use it to upgrade their post as a racket of trade-union bureaucrats. It's not just that themselves alone, with their longevity to submission have n't got any experiences of struggles and of how to mediate a struggle, but they don't even have the slightest contact with the angry young proletariat.

[1] On March 8, 2007, during the parliament voting for the “framework-law” intensifying and privatizing university education, the police attacked brutally a demonstration of more than 40.000 students demonstrating in central Athens their opposition to the law (after 4 months of massive similar mobilizations), beating hundreds and arresting 61 of them.

On May 2007, a student that was arrested during March 8 demo but set free without charges, was again arrested outside a party in the universities, accused for setting some nearby parked cars on fire. The cops claimed to have recognised him from wearing green all star shoes, as one of the people smashing the cars, though as it was apparent through video footage, the other guy was way more hard bodied, differently dressed etc. Despite these facts the arrestee along with two other young people arrested by chance near the universities, was forced to pre-trial detention for nearly two months, without further justification than “police eye-witnessing”.

[2] A version can be found here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=todRLzjudp8&feature=PlayList&p=107F79C0AC65E051&playnext=1&index=17

[3] Exarchia is a neighborhood in central Athens, where traditionally university students from the province stay because of the vicinity of many university schools. Together with a lower-income local population and many political groups keeping offices or squats there, different forms of community have appeared, which besides a vivid counter-culture are often expressed in open assemblies or other self-managed activities, united by their despise to police forces, that keep the area, already described by the media as a sanctuary for criminal activity and anarchist attacks, under a cordon of MAT and constant police raids.

[4] The weeks before the insurrection, one of the central media topics was the sudden and obscure rise to wealth and to higher workplaces on part of the ruling party members (New Democracy, with blue colored flags and emblems).

[5] During October 2008, the government gave 28 million euros to the Greek banks, in order to strengthen them before the “crisis”. Worth to notice that, none of the banks was in a “bad turn” and all of them were increasing their profits. Also, the government had previously claimed there were no money to ensure pensions or any raise in public sector salaries.

[6] Petralia suggested cut backs in pensions and raises for the lower age limits until the pension, for almost every work sector.

[7] Ioniki bank workers struggled against the bank's privatization, that seriously endangered their work places and interests.

[8] Blog: http://katadimadim.blogspot.com, it also has an english page

Hot December

[published in http://foufoutos.wordpress.com]

These days, the days of the insurrection, government and opposition, stalinists and fascists, shop-keepers and bankers, academics and journalists joined in a single party, the party of order against the proletariat, the party of anarchy, of communism. Yelling in panic for their ruined proprieties, the destabilization of the state, the subversion of their pathetic normality. Opposed to an uncontrollable proletariat that is attacking, destroying and looting everything that expresses materially our deprivation from social wealth, our everyday exploitation and alienation, capital and its state have nothing else to suggest than brutal violence: beating and teargas, lies and threatens for military intervention.

Murder: On December the 6^th, for yet another time, the state through the hands of a cop ascertained its violent nature. Alexandros Grigoropoulos is dead. Whoever still tries to figure out whether it was a single incident, have certainly chosen a side on this social war. To the spineless lowlife named Kougias [a celebrity defense lawyer of the murderer cop] along with all those adopting the “ricochet” version of the killing, we shall award a Nobel prize for breaking every possible law of classic mechanics. We remind them though that Nobel was the one to invent dynamite.

Insurrection: The murder itself was the detonator of the social bomb we have been carrying for a long time now in our minds and in our bodies. “Framework-Law” [privatization and intensification of higher education] and pension reforms, squalid salaries and work intensification, sacking workers that stand up to the bosses and also precarity, cut-backs and costliness, draining and marginalization for the immigrants, penalization even for the constitutional forms of struggle and brutal violence for the non-greek citizens. And on the other side, the arrogance of the dominant class that keeps feeding with its “scandals” the media actuality without any further implication for the protagonists. In a reality where the siege of capital and state violence is getting tighter every day, it is our time to replay. School-kids, students, workers and unemployed, in a multinational mixture (greeks, albanians and russians) met at the moment of the insurrection, the moment where the proletarians come close to each other and practically overcome their divisions.

Practical proletarian critique: The attack against police stations and ministries, shopping stores and banks is the material form of the critique of property and merchandise. The destructions and looting manifest the rage against the work-galleys that are the diverse shops and constitute a re-appropriation of social wealth outside the capital's circle (work-payment-consumption), something unacceptable for the lawful order and democracy and all the spectrum of bourgeois parties. We got sick of the whimpering for the broken shops and the burnt merchandise. No one of the defendants of property and order though, minded to inform us of the mere fact that the shops and the banks are insured. We would also like to inform all those that do not disagree with the destruction of banks and large shopping centers but get depressed in the face of breaking down “small shops” or workers there losing their jobs that firstly: the small shops are in most cases cells of unpaid and uninsured work and secondly, no worker has yet complained for losing a few days of work, even in the case (s)he isn't already participating in the insurrection. For the misery of workers it's the state's economic policy to blame along with every boss, smaller or bigger. Should we add that, as far as we know, these poor-old small shops are rarely a target of the proletarian critic. There are always the paid, hooded cops in plain clothes and the diverse para-state worms that try to slander our insurrection, going into vandalism and beating that can turn parts of the proletarian movement against the movement itself.

Critique of politics: An amazing issue of the recent proletarian explosion is the absence of any political representation or even political demands. In the insurrection the vast majority is not defined by any political identity. This is why the diverse bureaucrats and political managers have lost the ground before their feet. That's why the media and the politicians try to give a label to the insurgents speaking of anarchists or antiauthoritarians. That's why KKE [the greek communist party] and LAOS [the far-right wing party] speak of foreign agents, pimps and drug dealers. Next thing they 're going to tell us of is about hooded extraterrestrials. It's for the same reason the ministry of education launched a website where any student can made their complains. Too late, you can shove your website along with your server up your ass. The students speak beyond your mediations, at the streets. The only ones that seem to get on to it are the SYN [a socialdemocratic alliance of bigger and smaller parties], of course for their own ballot hunt reasons. In the end, we also have some moronic academics and special analyzers that try really hard to analyze the insurrection using arguments that call to mind high-school's essays.

The party of order, has spread every form of repression and control it possesses. Beside the pigs in uniform they also let loose the fascist scum, and also some “decent family men”, and of course there 's nothing else to expect from the crushing majority of the media, than terror-lust and paranoia: innumerable and inexplicable destructions, an effort to divide through extremists and pacifists with racist vomits (greek demonstrators-foreign looters), and even the shock of our pitiful tourists that can't come out of their hotels was presented to us. They are so stuck in the corner that cops and tv channels set up an incredible mockery: they put some pigs to give roses to passerby-ers. All the above demonstrate the obvious impotence of the party of order to convince and also the power of this proletarian insurrection. We see people clapping hands to the demonstrations, harbouring demonstrators, swearing and throwing flower pots to the cops down their balconies. We see people recognising from now on state as the accessory before violence.

Comrades proletarians, we are now writing history, it is in our hand to continue writing it leading to situations where any return to normality will be impossible.

Occupation of HSAP central offices (where Constantina used to work): http://katalipsihsap.wordpress.com/

Translations by an immigrants group: http://clandestinenglish.wordpress.com/

More info: http://athens.indymedia.org

PEKOP communique:

The role of Panattiki Union of Cleaners and house stuff (PEKOP) in the syndicalist movement begun traces back to 1999. Then, a group of workers in different workplaces with dreams and a militant mood formed PEKOP. From the first minute, PEKOP insisted through its everyday activity, inside and outside the workplace, to reveal what lies behind the contractors that manage the cleaning of public and private services.

With constant controls, with the work inspection service, with IKA (public organization for workers insurance) services, with KEPEK, with three-part procedures, collective and individual legal complaints and lock-ups, PEKOP brings into light abuses of every single workers right, fake time shifts, workers “cloning”, illegal sackings, fake voluntary resignations, unauthorized use of workers' signatures, “black” uninsured work, workers “black lists”, fake salaries, and denounces to every service, organization and to the management the violations to the work contracts.

The state pays triple as much, and violations continue, one after the other. The trade-unionist bureaucracy, the public and private organizations and the business management support a slave-trade.
The murderous attack against our general secretary reveals that our activity was in their way, and that they took to this horrendous method to stop us.
We call all our co-workers, whether Greeks or Immigrants to become part of our union and support vigorously with their participation our activity, it is a matter of honor to keep on and demand the immediate employment of all our co-workers under a constant and insured work.
Don't submit to their threats!

They 're a handful and we 're thousands!

Resistance to employers arbitrariness!
All together we can overthrow this workplace dark-ages!

PANATTIKI UNION of CLEANERS & HOUSE STUFF

3 Septemvriou 48b street, Athens, 3^rd floor, office 320
Tel/Fax: (0030)2108221083, mobile (0030)6978844725-(0030)6978865730
A worker of PEKOP interview:

What's the current situation with Konstantina's health and how's her wounds healing go?

-Konstantina has already had two facial plastic surgeries, both successful, and tomorrow she 's heading to the State's General Hospital of Athens for her eye, I mean the one of her two eyes we 're struggling to rescue, as she has already lost the other one. Recently she had her tracheotomy removed and she can talk with the aid of a machine. Thankfully, the damages to her phonetic chords is not that excessive as we were afraid earlier. For her inner organs, stomach, colon, etc we can't really tell what's the situation there, since because of her heavy condition, we couldn't have the necessary tests, but listen, Konstantina has a long way ahead of her, she 's gonna need much more treatment, probably she 'll have to go also abroad.

-Have you seen her?

-No, I asked her to see her and she told me she wasn't ready psychologically to be seen and when I heard her... I went mad, we don't know how will this culminate, what we know is that she 's never again going to be Konstantina as we knew her... She 's gonna have huge problems. We speak with Savvas Mihail the radiographer and Katerina Mantza, the psychologist that are seeing her and standing every day on her side. Mihail told me it may take even two year to be sure that Konstantina is going to be out of danger for her life. And if she still is today with us, it's only because she has courage and strength. She wants to get well and to keep on fighting for her co-workers, as she did before.

-From the “medical community”, have you had any support from any institution?

-Look, inside Evaggelismos Hospital we had a contact with both the manager and the assistant manager, we speak to them and they help us, there is a response, there came doctors even from Corfu and almost all of Athen's hospitals. There is a large response from the doctors and it would be ungrateful to say that we have anything with their stance. I want to tell things as they are.

-Is there any state organization, any ministry, trade-union or the GSEE (all-trade-union umbrella organization) that donated any money or engaged to cover the expenses of Konstantina's medical treatment?

-Twenty days after Konstantina was attacked, the minister Petralia called her mother and I, as vice president of our union accompanied her, to talk. There, Petralia told us the ministry of work would pay for everything, she even promised that they would provide them with a house... Of course she didn't keep any of these promises. You know, economic support is a very important issue. Today Konstantina is all the time connected with pipes, she needs by her side a few persons that have faces such experiences. To have an all-day nurse would cost about 300 euros a day... How is her family supposed to find that much money? This family was kept alive by Konstantina's salary... That is 560 euros a month and another 150 her mother has from her retirement pension... Last September her mother had a cancer operation, while she also has some serious problems with her heart and she is from 10 am to 8 pm by her daughter's side... Sometimes she needs to leave her to take her of her grandson, cause the little child is now on his own and as you know, he has some problems with his heart... I admire her just for standing on her feet... Besides everyday people, that as you know provides an important support to Konstantina, we have received money from a solidarity committee formed of a few doctors, and also by ADEDY (private sector's trade-union umbrella). The president of ADEDY, mr Papaspyrou responded from the first moment... I spoke and thanked him because he is a person helping Konstantina and I am obliged to thank him, but he also faced some serious problems because of his stance. Inside ADEDY's management council, PASKE (controlled by the opposition party, PASOK) and DAKE (controlled by ND, the government) didn't want the aid to Konstantina to continue... So, after an intervention of ours ISAP and IKA had to pay some of the expenses too. GSEE on the other side, still hasn't a clear stance concerning the attack on Konstantina.

-The economic support provided up to now by the solidarity movement is it enough?

-The effort of the people supporting us continues and ...thankfully it does... I personally was speechless with surprise seeing all that large and immediate response from the people... in Greece but also abroad... everywhere... and especially the young people. What inspires me and excites me is that the youth stood by Konstantina and try to bring this issue up everyday on the internet not leaving it get forgot.

-How long do you know Konstantina? Could you tell us a few words on her participation in PEKOP?

-Konstantina came here in the end of 2002. When she got a job here, she immediately sent to find the syndicates, because in Bulgaria when she lived before, the syndicates are working for the workers and not for their own pockets... as our own trade-union leaders do. She found our union and she came. We could tell from the first moment she was a women with a brilliant education, with will, strength, stubborn with syndicalism and we suggested she'd enter the union. In the beginning she told us she wanted to enter but could n't cause she didn't know Greek well. We told her it was ok and she would learn Greek day by day. Finally both she and her mother entered the union.

On 2004 we had elections where Konstantina was elected for the unions council. We didn't report this to her company, since we knew they would cause her troubles. We wanted to protect her, we knew she had a little son with a recent heart surgery. So, in the beginning, she helped us with every way she could, she stood by the union, willful with the union... fighting... Anyway, until 2006 she had no serious troubles with her job. On 2006 she had a problem with the 5-day work, but also with an announcement of IKA, claiming that for less than 30 hours of work, a worker is no longer insured for “heavy work”, but is downgraded to “mixed work”.

Oikonomakis' company (OIKOMET) made an announcement obliging workers to have a half hour break and thus working 5:30 hours instead of 6, reducing them, as a result, to “mixed” instead of “heavy work”. In the same time, they reduced their wage, from 720 euros in 2004/5 to 560 euros. In mid-2006, there was a new “mess” since Konstantina was trying to claim her rights... These “gentlemen” didn't sign with ISAP (an Athens train service) a new contract, their previous contract was for 6 hours, thus the workers worked for 6 hours and OIKOMET (as the contractor) was paid for them, then they paid the workers only for 5 and a half.

We begun to hold some three-part meetings but there was no response. In the second three-part meeting we had at the Work Inspection office of Piraeus, with the presence of a company's representative, he was told that OIKOMET had signed with ISAP for 6hour work... and then, since they paid their employees for 5:30 hours, it was illegal and it should be rejected by ISAP... Though, nothing of that was written in the official report, because the work inspector didn't write them. So we went to GSEE, we gave them the notes and the president of GSEE asked from the general secretary mr Kontos to have a three-part meeting. This meeting was set for November the 26^th. This morning, around 10 am, the meeting took place, where the worker's center, GSEE, the confederation and the workers center of Piraeus were present... When we went there, we experienced a situation that I personally being in the syndicalist movement since 1984, had never seen before anything like that.

Outside where gathered a hundred workers with a banner of OIKOMET swearing at us... We were shocked... Our president didn't want to go in there... She started to cry and she told us it couldn't be possible, us coming here to fight for their interest and them cursing at us. But we finally decided to go inside and claim our rights... We went upstairs and sat there for four hours... While the meeting in the beginning went good for us, at some point mr Kontos' mobile phone rung, we couldn't know who it was, but after he hung up, the meeting was turned upside down, in favor of the company... They started “hammering” us. The president of the employers syndicate of OIKOMET brought 200 signatures of workers that agreed to have a “mixed” insurance and to have their salaries reduces... What they did was circulating a text to the workers, covering its context and urging them to sign it... Since we left, the workers of OIKOMET accompanied us, swearing and spitting, to Omonia square. The next day, Konstantina went to GSEE and complained asking them at least to take a stance on what's going on, even an announcement denouncing this thing... Nothing... there's a popular saying “you can knock all day long, to a deaf person's door”...

Finally, after we had no responses, we heard a morning in a radio station that there was an occupation at the GSEE headquarters and we said we could pass by there to see what's going on. We went there and we found a leftist journalist that told us there was an open assembly the same night. So, we met that night to go to the assembly, me, the union's president and Konstantina, that had a day off that day. Heading to the assembly, we met that woman from GSEE that “took our heads” that day in the ministry. When we told her where we were going, she told us the occupiers of GSEE aren't workers and that they 're holding rocks and sticks etc, she almost told us they went around holding guns. So we asked her what were they then, and she told us they 're mostly students and teachers. So we said fine, since they 're kids with an education, they could maybe help us solve the problem with the 6hour. At last, when we entered the assembly we noticed that it was mainly workers base unions and also common people that haven't found any response from GSEE. Of course there were n't any damages nor anything like that, besides the building was a nice neo-classical building and we take care of them. From the next day we were marked as anarchists... And of course had none response from GSEE's president.

-Before that, there was any kind of response...?

-Never. And to get to Konstantina's story. We are still waiting for the ministry's conclusion from mr Kontos. On January 5^th we had to take a report to GSEE. Our lawyer informed us that GSEE was not going to sign it. So, I decided to take it on my own to GSEE and she what happens... if they don't sign it, we 'd go with the base syndicates to the ministry, and GSEE can do whatever they want. Why should we worship GSEE for all our lives anyway? I don't get that. They told the president of our union that Konstantina is responsible for what happened to her, that it is our fault Konstantina was attacked and we should apologise. Of course we aren't gonna apologise, cause its us that are on Konstantina's side.

-Who told you these?

-From the workers' center. They told us we were reponsible for what happened and that we have turned them to targets. When, for example you started an occupation at the workers' center of Thessaloni, we were asked to apologize for that too. If tomorrow there is an event in America, it's gonna be our fault again, and they'll say we are behind all of this.

-So, basically they are calling you to apologize for your syndicalist activity itself?

-Exactly. Of course, after all that they were hugging us, but we don't want any hugs. We want to find who's guilty for the attack against Konstantina, because in the beginning, everyone tried to blame it on “personal” issues. And if it wasn't for us, me, Vlassia and some guys that helped us a lot from the base syndicates and the solidarity movement to raise the issue, it would have been all covered up, they would pass it as some kind of personal problem and not as a syndicalist problem. We can't accept this.

-Now, on the hundred workers with the banner, swearing and spitting on you outside the ministry. This reflects something, that the employers in these companies can threaten openly the workers. We would like a few words on that:

-After the murderous attack on Konstantina some workers from Bangladesh were fired and they came to the union crying. They didn't know about Konstantina these guys, cause they don't know Greek that well. When we told one of them that Konstantina was in the hospital, in this condition, he started to cry. He explained us he had a day off and he had a phone call telling him to come and swear the union because the union would close down the company and he will lose his job.

There are many guys with a “red card” and almost illegal in the country. They take them and exploit them. The tell them if they don't sign what the company wants, they'll lose their jobs. We didn't go to the ministry to have them lose their jobs but to claim our rights. Even today, when we pass by the train stations and ask the workers why they signed that papers, they reply that they were told the union would close down the company. What they weren't told was that in reality they would lose their insurance and 150 euros a month. Like that, day by day, the workers start to understand what's going on and join us. Of course there is still employers terrorism inside ISAP. But we are determined to bring down this terror.

With their will or against them, ISAP will comply. Because ISAP is at the moment illegal and bear huge responsibilities. They can't just pay the company these money for 6 work hours and “heavy work” insurance and OIKOMET give back to the workers reduced salaries and “mixed” insurance. What kind of control has ISAP? They are also responsibles for that. We will take them to the courts. We can't let this pass like that.

-Despite all that, does OIKOMET or ISAP mobilize in such a way to threaten the workers take a stance on this story?

-These workers, for example the ones that spoke to Tsimas are immigrants, if they don't say what the company wants them to say they will be sacked. After Giakoumatos announcement of 2000 they told us that workers would be paid after a collective contract and all work cost would be calculated based upon that. The employers receive the money, the workers don't. I also set to ms Petralia this question. She told me the contract was working. But it isn't. There are controls. What's their use anyway?

After Konstantina's injury, the base syndicates had an occupation at Piraeus' Work Inspection and we asked if they had done any inspection after the attack. They have had 10 control checks and found nothing. We took two of the inspection controllers and went with them, right that moment and found 15 violations.

They say they can't do anything because the workers are illegal aliens. They could give them papers, legalize them. They could hire them paid by hour. But hired by the eg the hospital not the work contractor. In Evaggelismos, every worker's cost is calculated to 1700 euros, while he finally gets paid 500 euros. The state can give insurance for 500 euros, a salary of 1000 euros and gain 200 euros. In the end the workers will spit on each one of them. They can't have the people starving to turn them into large-contractors.

-You mean they select to pay the contractors instead of paying the workers?

-Of course they do, I also reported all that to a congress by the doctor's and hospital stuff union POEDY. I also went to some left organizations that support us and they asked us to be there as a union to speak, because the ministry's secretary would be there, or some minister and party representatives to listen to our problems. They didn't accept to listen to us, but we went there with our banners and with the base syndicates we lifted our banners, the president of POEDY spoke, and then we were supposed to speak. They wouldn't let us. Then a doctor climbed on the stage, he grabbed the microphone and said “you're either gonna leave these women speak or it's all over now... this congress is over”. Eh, we went on stage willfully, we got a little beaten by the PASKE member but we got it our way and we spoke.

-When did that happen?

-20 days ago.

-You mean after Kuneva was attacked?

-Of course, they don't want us the cleaners talk. Who are we to talk anyway? We are garbage. They should now one thing though: It's us cleaning them, to have it all or else they would be eaten by the worms. Anyway we spoke. It was then, when I attacked to mr Tsipras, telling that SYN (socialdemocrat party) is responsible too, and they should take a stance now. To raise inside the parliament. To PASOK I told them “i m sorry that you are PASOK”. I even found mr Floridis and told them they are responsible too, because it was Reppas that brought that law, Simitis brought the cleaners to the contractors. I told him what's going on in ISAP and in Evaggelismos Hospital and he told me he accepted they made errors. All right, since he accepts it, they should ban this law. Or else, I don't wanna see no one of them. A journalist asked me what I think of PASOK saying they want to find the guilty. I don't care for words, I want to see works. Will they find Kuneva's murderers? Will they give her what they should? Listen I don't want to blame nor slander on anyone. I want the murderers of Konstantina to be found and the employers to pay based on collective contracts, if they cannot claim the work this way, then they shouldn't have it at all, leave it to the state. To get the contract competitions into light and have my co-workers get the money they deserve and not to be starving.

-What's the story with SYRIZA and PASOK's invitations to Konstantina?

-Yes, they did invite her to their parties, I found it out from a rumor on the internet. They should be ashamed, if they want to capitalize on Konstantina. They told us Konstantina is one of us, but we know Konstantina, she was never in any party and she never wanted to be in one. That's why we took to “Ta Nea” newspaper Konstantina's hand notes. Because we let her know of what mr Banias said, and she denied all of them. What she wants is to be next to the people that stands by her. Next thing, there was Bistis on Skai tv saying the same things, and I went on air and told him that Konstantina would only go to elections with PEKOP, with no one else. Ok, they told me that can't happen, and I told them all right then, so if not with PEKOP then with no one. I am ashamed they would reach so low to fight for their votes and ask from a woman we can't even tell if she's gonna survive this such things. Because she isn't yet out of danged. If she wasn't so strong, all this could end. But she is so courageous she's a woman with a great strength. The psychologist, ms Mantzia supervising her said that 33 year in this profession she'd never seen a woman with such an culture and perception, will and courage, such a pride person. Konstantina is a very proud person.

-Would you like to say something to the people reading this article, to close this interview?

-We receive messages from everywhere, Argentina, Turkey, everywhere, the state should understand we are not alone. The other day intellectuals from France and England sent to the embassy a letter of support saying this slave-trade should end. I told that to ms Petralia, that the large syndicates of France, Italy, Spain told us they're on our side, if we wanted them to do anything for us. We need money, to keep that account working because they cannot block this one since it's on her mother's name, who is so proud that she doesn't spend any money on her, but keeping them for Konstantina. Because it's also her son that is ill and his mother can't help him now anymore.